Modernization and development experts in the early 1950s
Modernization and development experts in the early 1950s predicted the possibility of future water wars (Rapoport, 1974). Since then, the experts have been on the forefront supporting governments in developing and implementing resource management policies.
With the aim of within their regions, most countries have developed and implemented appropriate measures (Rapoport, 1974). However, it is disappointing to note that most governments in the developing countries have paid little or no attention to avert the looming dangers.
With regard to the recent resource protests in Bolivia, this paper details the progress achieved in the case study, and outlines recommendations based on modernization theories.
In the year 1999, out in Cochabamba, Bolivia. The conflicts involved water customers, private water service providers, and International Waters Company (Perrault, 2006).
We noted that towards the end of the 20th century, Bolivian government was under hyperinflation (Carlos, 2006). To ease the situation, Bolivian government requested for a financial aid from the World Bank (Perrault, 2006).
The World Bank accepted their request, and in turn mandated its government to abide by the banks provisions. To achieve its development independence, Bolivian government was required by the World Bank to privatize most of its state owned industries (Carlos, 2006).
To comply with this requirement, Bolivian government privatized its telecommunication, railways, and hydrocarbon industries.
In the year 2000, the World Bank advised the Bolivian government to privatize its water service system. They had to abide by the World Banks directive to qualify for the 25 million US dollars they had requested from the institution (Perrault, 2006).
Through this directive, the World Bank aimed at improving the Bolivian water systems effectiveness. They were to achieve it through the introduction of new investors and replacement of corrupt individuals in the water service systems.
Upon privatization, the new water service provider, Aguas Del Tunari, raised the water rates to finance the construction of a stalled dam (Perrault, 2006). As a result, some poor people were unable to pay for their water bills. At the beginning of the year 2000, the peasant farmers initiated protests against the water prices (Perrault, 2006).
By mid February, demonstrations had attracted factory workers, street children, and state employees. As a result, the Cochabambas economy stalled for several days led to massive financial losses.
At the beginning of the case study, we identified several causes of Bolivian water and natural gas crystalline protests. We noted that the Water wars in Bolivia were the product of human-environment conflicts.
These conflicts depict Bolivias weak environmental management systems and corrupt institutions (Perrault, 2006). So far, we have identified that Bolivian environmental management systems and institutions are not only ineffective but also ill equipped.
For the last two decades, the countrys environmental authorities have followed the neo-liberal path (Perrault, 2006). In the case study, we noted that the past corrupt Bolivian environmental authorities were not appropriately centralized.
As a result, farming organizations and community associations were formed to manage the countrys water service distribution services (Carlos, 2006). Through the studies, we discovered that NGOs, bilateral agencies, and multilateral agencies were involved in the distribution of water services from rural to urban areas.
With all these players in the water service system, it became very difficult for the country to appropriately manage and regulate its water service industries (Perrault, 2006).
Upon privatization, Bolivian water systems re-scaled and re-institutionalized Bolivian natural management organizations leading to resource related struggles (Perrault, 2006).
We identified that during the Bolivian privatization processes, they excluded the public from participating in . As a result, the public were convinced that their resources were being taken over by the private companies.
Through this, the citizens were motivated to fight for their property rights through strikes and demonstrations. Similarly, the public believed that privatization of public natural resources was going to restrict their access.
As a result, they resorted to demonstrations witnessed during the beginning of the year 2000 (Carlos, 2006). Similarly, the studies revealed that Bolivias dependence on foreign aid, weak political and economical stability rendered their legal and institutional frameworks ineffectively.
Equally, we have noted that the countrys dependence on foreign aid led to the reorganization of the countrys resource management systems to suit the foreign interests rather than the countrys interests.
In this regard, we identified that were triggered by concerns over control of resources and implications of scarce natural resources on their livelihoods (Carlos, 2006).
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By conducting the case study, we noticed that in the last two decades the Bolivian government has been infamous for disrespecting social justice. Bolivian consumers expected their government to shield them from exploitation from local and international firms (Perrault, 2006).
Similarly, as noted through Bolivian water wars, Bolivian citizens were concerned with the countrys lack of transparency in handling and distributing its natural resources.
For instance, in the protest the demonstrators called on their government to improve its distributive justice (Perrault, 2006).
As we have argued, developing nations require massive investments to expand their water services. In this regard, the World Bank and other international financiers should note that the cost of expanding these services is too enormous for most private companies to manage on their own (Bruce, 2011).
Similarly, we noted that in some countries the World Bank has subsidized cost recovery to enhance privatization of more state companies (Funder, 2012). Instead, the World Bank should help Bolivia and other developing nations in enhancing their natural resource institutions efficiencies rather than subsidizing and expanding their private sectors (Bruce, 2011).
Similarly, we urge Bolivian private and public sectors to work together to ensure that water and other natural resources are equally distributed. Similarly, Bolivian government should ensure that its citizens have access to natural resources at fair prices.
As witnessed in Bolivia, human competition over scarce resources triggers most human-environment conflicts (Bruce, 2011). To reduce competition over these resources, we urge all Bolivians to adopt responsible behaviors.
According to the World Bank, people should appropriately utilize natural resources by minimizing their wastage. Similarly, Bolivians should adopt modern scientific technologies that minimize the usage of natural resources.
Through this, agricultural farms should use the modern scientific methods of irrigation rather than the rudimentary technologies currently used across Bolivia and other developing nations. Similarly, Bolivian government should improve its economic state.
Through this, the government should create more employment and investment opportunities. We believe that with an improved economy, most Bolivians would stop depending on their natural resources as their source of livelihoods, thus reducing cases of human-environment conflicts.
By acknowledging the modern thinking concepts, Bolivians should analyze current social factors influencing human-environment conflicts. By doing so, we believe that they would be able to discover the means to avoid and solve these challenges.
Bolivian authorities should ensure that appropriate laws and authorities are put in place to regulate the involvement of the private sectors in participating in the management of the countrys natural resources (Scott, 1998). Similarly, Bolivian government should adopt and develop alternative economic development models.
After analyzing the Bolivian economic history, we noted that neo-liberalism has not only enhanced poverty and insecurity, but also resulted in increased social injustices. To solve these issues, the Bolivian private and public sectors should do away with neo-liberalization policies (Scott, 1998).
Equally, we urge the countrys resource authorities to outlaw the neo-liberalization of the countrys natural resources.
Instead, the resource authorities should acknowledge that they have failed in the distribution of the countrys resources. Thereafter, they should distribute all natural resources fairly focusing more on the previously neglected areas (Scott, 1998).
Generally, we noted that the current Bolivian human-environment conflicts might persist for the next few decades. Thus, Bolivian government must acknowledge its citizens grievances.
By acknowledging these grievances, government officials should realize that the citizens expect their help in developing political and social systems.
Similarly, the government, NGOs, and the private organizations should realize that they have a role to play in the formulation of appropriate educational policies used in public education (Scott, 1998).
By adopting the use of modern technologies, Bolivian government can significantly reduce cases of unrests and human environment conflicts previously witnessed.